POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

Author: ENRÍQUEZ PEREA.
Year: 0000.
University: 2003 [www.google.es].
Place of defense: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE GEOGRAFÍA E HISTORIA.

Summary: The ambassador of Mexico, Alfonso Reyes, arrived in Brazil in 1930 when a generation of intellectuals and men of culture despuntaban with an exceptional work. The economic crisis of 1929 revealed once again that Sao Paulo was the center of economic and political life. And the presidential election of 1930 showed that the way of doing politics under the stamp of patricians paulistas was not that Brazil needed. Among the prominent figures of Brazilian politics is destacaó a gaúcho, Getúlico Vargas, who believed that it was time to modernize the structure jurídica-política his country. It was not possible to make that change through the ballot box but through a revolution that led in October 1930: October Revolution. As of this date the ambassador of Mexico was reserved by writing notes, reports and correspondence political and diplomatic personnel, as well as annotate your Journal yet unpublished, making this material not only the testimony of an event of such importance in the political life but the Brazilian historical and political analysis of an event that gave rise to the birth of the State novo. The birth of this State had two great periods. The first, called interim government (1930-1934), and the second, known as the Second Republic (1934-1937). The first was marked by oscillate between the Constitution and dictatorship, the second by the sinking of the Constitution which brought the country to dictatorship. It should be noted that Reyes left Brazil in mid-1936 and that is why this work expires in that year. However, diplomatic documents written by Alfonso Reyes realize the continuing abuses suffered by the Brazilians. It could not continue to watch the political life of this great South American country because I was going to play a new diplomatic mission. The State glimpse was shortly after his departure omnipontente. The opposite of Vargas, Reyes said, history will judge.

Author: SANCHEZ-BEATO LACASA FERNANDO.
Year: 2004.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CC. POLÍTICAS Y S..
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGIA.

Summary: The thesis is divided into eight sections, the exhibition being organized as follows: An introductory chapter 1Â º to the object of study. The 2Â fourth dedicated to raise the issue of legitimacy, which outlines the transformation of the medieval world to the emerging power of reason orderly with a synthetic route for the entire liberal political theory from Machiavelli to Kant. A chapter 3Âş used in the historical evolution and the systematic analysis of the problems connected with the political representation, to form a hegemonic model of parliamentary system, and state manifestations of its crises; chapters 4Â ° and 5Â eighth, focusing on the study of Max Weber; methodological aspects of the subject of investigation and related legal and analysis domination of Parliament domination legal-democrática. 6 Â ° and 7Â fifth are respectively dedicated to Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen as models display confronted, among those with more scientific rigor have analyzed the legislature from the theory of the state and constitutional law. And last chapter 8Â fifth, which seeks to expose some of the conclusions of the work carried out, with particular reference to the link between the parliamentary system and the problem of the legitimacy of the modern state. The model of political domination is always associated with a particular equation - the combination of elements rational and irrational, emotional, traditional, etc.. Which comprise the common sense, life experience and imagination colectivo, for a people determined is the referring to the "normality", and the example of social discipline to continue and play (either consciously or unconsciously). And there can be no absolute dissonance between the forms of social action that largely fall into the usual convention and right of a comunnity d and the current system of domination, whether this whatsoever. This is one of the calves to understand the change in the concept of representation of a parliamentary system full of ideas of progress and enlightenment, a chamber dominated by groups and the bureaucracy, in which the deputy individually change the spontaneity and freedom to discuss ideas which believes that there had been little authority to mark the group parlmentario -circunscrito the role of a member and officer of partido-.

Author: BUENO VICENTE JOSE MIGUEL.
Year: 2004.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA Y SOCIOLOGÍA.

Summary: The problem of leakage of state powers to the European Communities carries a democratically anomalous situation has been described by concepts like democratic deficit. The basic problem is discussed in this paper, but looking at how the courts have controlled the government in community affairs and have participated as-if in fact they have done in the formation of secondary legislation in Europe. All this in the period from 1986 to 2003, ie in 18 years. The aim of the thesis is the nature and performance of the Congress Joint Commission for the European Union. This committee is the institution of the Courts specializing in community affairs. As the only dedicated to these issues in the Legislature Spanish, the results of the investigation into the same could be applied and inferred Parliament altogether. To frame theoretically work, I have used theories of old and new instituiconalismo. Of these, the most intensively were appealed the new instiucionalismo policy, the historical institutionalism and comparativismo. It also was used, although to a lesser extent theories conductivistas and analysis of rational choice as a foundation for methodological individualism. Within the theoretical framework and in order to outline a theory, a hypothesis and sixty listed those which contrasto empirically over the investigation. The methodology uses the comparative analysis, inductive and deductive, depending on the type of research conducted. The Joint Commission investigates all acts of the same: agendas, meetings, documentation received, hearings, acts of the parliamentary groups produced, questions submitted by parliamentarians, and so on. As for the regulatory nature of the Joint Commission on the one hand examines its evolution and compliance by members, parliamentary groups and the government, and another is compared with other specialized committees of the other Member States. Yields are also compared with those of other European committees. With regard to the actions of the Joint Commission, the study is carried out in the double plane quantitatively and qualitatively. Understanding for the same quantity and quality policies, always refereidas conceptually to the exercise of parliamentary control of the government and the involvement of the courts in the formation of secondary Community law. By studying the actions of the Joint Commission, added the speeches of parliamentarians in order of greatest interest, objectives and issues dealt with in the dissertation. Over all parts of the analysis and research emprícios successively contrasted are all scenarios raised. Lastly, the rating is the evaluation of the Joint Commission and it follows this assessment to the Cortes Generales, ie it builds a theory based on assumptions proven. In evaluating emerging findings and consequently with them, recommendations, insisting that everything related to the Joint Commission as we can, without any problems, inferirlo to the Cortes Generales. And on these results, this theory built impíricamente, the most significant is that the Joint Commission, versus the Cortes Generales, have proved some parliamentary institutions that control very little to the government and very weakly involved in the formation of secondary Community law. And that in the context of European national parliaments of the Member States, are sitaudas among the last, as far as control and the role lesgislativa community. The Spanish political system, during the period 1986-2003, the primacy of the executive over the legislature has been seen, in terms of having very little the first with the second, and in terms of legislating in Community headquarters. To crown it all, built on the theory, outlined and recommended mo 8 delo as 2d7 eguir.

Author: LÓPEZ SÁNCHEZ ELISEO RAFAEL.
Year: 2004.
University: NACIONAL DE EDUCACIÓN A DISTANCIA [www.uned.es].
Place of defense: CC. POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.

Summary: This thesis deals with the process of institutionalization of the Community of Madrid with respect to its various environments. The main scenario responds to the question of whether it has institutionalized the Community of Madrid. The answer that I argued in this paper is that the Community of Madrid has successfully institutionalized respect to its three core environments, the Autonomous State, society and municipalities madrilefios, in its first twenty afios of existence. Within the State of the Autonomous Region of Madrid is a product, it does have a role ~ secondary low profile, which is not characterized by desempefiaruna role in any sense, maintaining a subordinate because of the indifference of the actors and central state bodies and the lack of momentum in the autonomic responsible politicians. The causes are due to the form of birth of the Community on the one hand and on the other to the absence of a regional identity defined at an early stage to mark the boundaries and the institutional roles and missions in that context. In the environment of relations with the municipalities madrilefios, they vary between competition and collaboration, with the exception of the town of Madrid. In this sense, the Community of Madrid has maintained the same line as the two entities on which tonstruyó fabric organic: Madrid Provincial deputy, whose impact was greater in the more outlying municipalities, and the Committee on Planning and Coordination ( COPLACO), which operated in the towns closest to the villa in Madrid. These agencies eventually form a region, but not political but economic and cultural fields, from the fact capital and the creation of a metropolitan area, which is illustrated through the evolution of urban design and the transport network. Regarding the municipality of Villa de Madrid, the creation of the Commonwealth marked the emergence of an institutional conflict between the two being the most decisive and more decision-making power, which has resulted mainly in the art area, historically strategic Madrid. This conflict is a product of nature which has regional identity which seeks the Commonwealth and is based on the most distinctive and defining Madrid, capital and its centrality. The projection of a regional identity based on the capital collides with the identity of the city of Madrid. The greatest example of the continued presence of this conflict is the non cream Act Capitalidad. In the social environment, the Madrid region has basically responded to the demands of social service delivery, strategic aspect in the process of institutionalization, and has been shaping the regional identity politics in society madrilefia, although it is still weak, as needed more time to consolidate. It should be sefialar the difficulty brought by the lack of a regional identity in origin, in a society that is not originally demanded the creation of a cornunidadautónoma in the province of Madrid. In any case, it is society madrilefia the árbrito that rewards or punishes the relations between the institutions, the actions of the same. The search for institution building through regional identity politics of the Madrid exemplified by the occupation of the territory on the three environments. It is not really the physical space the only evidence that the relations of the Community of Madrid in the three environments institutionalization, but especially the citizens and local authorities Madrid, if clearly shows the relationship of conflict, competitiveness or collaborative. For that reason, in this thesis explain certain aspects of the policies of transport, housing and the Canal de Isabel II.

Author: VERGE MESTRE TANIA.
Year: 2005.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.

Summary: The present investigation has two main objectives. The first objective is descriptive: to present the organizational and programmatic changes that political parties Spanish state level (PP, PSOE and IU) have implemented since the inauguration of democracy in Spain to the present (1977-2004). The second objective of this research is to analyze the factors that have shaped the implementation of these measures. The area in which we have studied these changes and innovations are focused on those aspects that affect the exercise of political representation and in the performance of the functions of traditional parties: the selection of candidates for public office, drawing up the election programs, the existence of participation for filiados, citizens and social organizations within the party and the mechanisms intrapartidistas and control of the leadership and the office of the party. As for the discursive and programmatic changes, our focus will be on those applications that have been described as "new type" and crossing the classic divisions interpartidistas or clivajes: pacifism, environmentalism, development cooperation, the demand for the increase in the presence of women in political decision-making bodies or greater citizen participation in the decision-making process. That is, we want to answer the following questions: How do you react  parties to move away from society and the criticisms that are dumped on them?  What aspects of the political representation intended to highlight or strengthen these measures? We do not want to attribute a direct causal input that the changes made by the parties obey strictly and exclusively to public disaffection and the consequences it may have for parties. First, the parties must perceive, then assess it, then acknowledge that hurts them, and then decide to adopt certain measures to face, if anything, the reluctance of some sectors of the party. On the other hand, it is important to distinguish whether any of these measures have been rather raised for the parties themselves as the solution (or one of the solutions) for a party in crisis "to cushion or overcome the" crisis de los partidos " . This is where the need to work together our two objects of study, representation and political parties, charges its most profound sense. Therefore, it is necessary, first to analyze the motivations that, at a given moment, to induce the parties to introduce such changes and, secondly, to consider both internal factors and external factors to the parties themselves that facilitate or constrain its transformation.

Author: GÓMEZ FORTES BRAULIO.
Year: 2005.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA.

Summary: The thesis deals with political developments to which they are subjected processes by the constituent political player who has the ability to launch them. How all phases of the process of creating constitutional depend on political control prior to affect the outcome of the new constitutional text and cases elected to respond to these questions are processes constituent of Portugal and Spain. Two processes of transition to democracy in a very different nature story to its origin.