MASS MEDIA

Author: MONCHOLI CHAPARRO MIGUEL ANGEL.
Year: 2003.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA INFORMACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD CIENCIAS DE LA INFORMACIÓN.

Summary: In this dissertation: "restransmisiones taurines on television in the community Autonomous Madrid.Periodo 1992-1996." Is a comprehensive analytical study on specialized information in toros.Se part of a study on historical information and taurine the analysis focuses on the study of the hearings based on the results of polls sofres.Se complete work with a broad survey journalistic specialized fans, who expressed their views regarding the treatment of these issues on television autónomica.

Author: PRESAS AREU GRACIELA INÉS.
Year: 2004.
University: AUTÓNOMA DE BARCELONA [www.uab.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAT DE PERIODISME I DE CIÈNCIES DELA COMUNICACIÓ.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: The thesis part of the Transformation of the Public Space in Brazil from the influence of marketing on the communication policy. Brazil is a country of great complexity with regard to its vast territory, with large regional differences, economic, social, political and cultural. The study makes a historical journey through space público-político Brazilian from its constitution político-partidaria. Parallel to the context in which this thesis focuses on the process of democratization Brazilian started with the elections for president in 1989, the country in the unsaturated neoliberal economic system; phenomenon that it is based on three tenets: the Free Market, Privatization Economic and State Minimum. The thesis aims to achieve the following objective: To identify whether there was a transformation of public space in Brazil from the eruption of political marketing and how it affects the political discourse, and thus to the communication policy. It was also proposed to elucidate the following specific objectives: To verify aspects observable in the political marketing, establishing the relationship between political speech and the use of political marketing: link the theoretical and political basis which might be contained in the action communicative of political speeches: to identify those contained actanciales manners and functions of political discourse under study, analyzing political speeches under review, from the perspective of political marketing, aspects of the theory of communicative action, with reference to context social and political speeches that these were constructed. The type of research conducted studies was a descriptive and explanatory aspects in which they appear in nature crítica-evaluativa through discursive analysis and studies of socio-economic indices. This process was studied data from historical, political, philosophical and communicative. The general assumptions that are party to the study, are: political marketing helps to create the new public space policy in Brazil in the past fourteen years, the construction of political speeches in Brazil presidential feeds generally categories manners deónticas and aléticas ; the changing context ecónomico in the Brazilian presidential speech is crossed by neo-liberalism. It also established specific assumptions for each of the presidents analyzed. Thus, Fernando Melo introduces color out of the Modernity in the political and economic context from the incorporation of Brazil in the Neo-liberalismo. Similarly, the speech of Fernando Henrique Cardoso part of the sincerity of the speaker rhetorical Social Democrat, to the entrenchment of reality Neo-liberal. Lastly, traffic signs discourse of social transformation, the consolidation of reality Neo-liberal in Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. The theoretical used to test assumptions and targets, covers four different discipline areas. First, they worked the relationship of public space, political communication and democracy. It is the concept of public space in JÃ ¼ rgen Habermas (1990 version used 1994) and his theory of "communicative action". We triádica the relationship between political elites, mass media and public opinion. Developing 8 these p 1631 erspectivas enabled operational address forms used in the Communication Policy from the so-called Political Marketing, according to Philippe J. Maarek (1995 version used 1997) and others. Secondly, we explored the historic, political, economic and ideological in which inserting Democratization Process Brazilian. We studied Broadly speaking, the changes in the global arena, especially in the Western world, in the last two decades, changes geo-políticos, economic, technology to detect the presence of these phenomena in the speech and make political the chairmen of that process redemocratization of the country is manifested in the elections of 1989. The third area relates to the theory of speech, particularly sentrada in political discourse. From the perspective, the focus is set forth manners, functions actanciales actors and narrative. They were also taken into consideration aspects pragmatic and rhetorical, with a special emphasis on the arguments and communicative action. Fourthly, applied research was conducted through the analysis of three speeches from each of the three presidents who ruled the country in the period from 1989 to 2004. This analysis was nurtured in the context developed over the job. We used the tools of discourse analysis cited, seeking to discover the sincerity of the speakers retórico-políticos: Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, and establish relationships inter-textuales of speeches to place the text and contextok of them. Among the main conclusions found along the paper notes that the process operated by the Marketing in the construction of political discourse is a case full of disturbances reported by Habermas as "systemic colonization of the world of life." The media are transformed into instruments of the State or the Economy. Plus, it was also transformed into the "public space expanded." The public space "goes beyond the field of interaction defined by the political communication" and the "public" does not coincide with the electoral body of a nation. The new Brazilian reality is a "construction" mediated through the mass media, we can say that the search for the limelight against the mass media, is clearly manifested in the three agents studied. It verifies, too, that in this new public space, the three actors who have the legitimacy to speak publicly about policy as proposed various authors such as Marletti, Wolton, McFerry are: politicians, journalists and the public through polls . In the case of Brazil, the de facto government in 1964 created a political vacuum, and since the redemocratization there is a Democratic Transformation of the Model based on the Constituent Assembly in 1988 which highlights the contradictions between the models of consensual democracy and democracies opinion, with the installation of the second shift was called into question: the Legality vs. Legitimacy. Based on the so-called breakup of the eighties, there is the neo-liberal model, or the "replacement of liberal humanism by social Darwinism," against which it is suggested to use such a neologism: neo-conservadurismo to place demanera true origin policy. Confronting the issues contained in the speeches of the three presidents is a clear presence of neo-liberal thought. The three behind in their speeches all the neoliberal policies organized around three basic points already set forth. The consenco Washington determines, from the nineties, the criteria for countries to define their Latin American economic policies, they serve to establish the priorities that are reflected in the speeches of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silv. It has been noted that in Brazil, the establishment of a modern democracy was long overdue, the impact is felt that Brazil is still a Society Fragmentada that requires a Social Transformation and a Political Reform. When the conclusions reached from the studios of language and speech are as follows: Construction of the presidential political speeches in Brazil feeds categories manners deónticas and aléticas. The three presidents have speeches actanciales with characteristics very different. It is necessary to take public speaking ability to reach the presidency. The analysis is seen as "Features" differentiated build different actors. The changing economic situation in the Brazilian presidential speech that traversed by neo-liberalism. The three presidents construct the role played actancial linked to the axis of adversity in relation to the president predecessor. Fernando Collor de meolo -construirá his character as opposed to Sarney: Fernando Henrique Cardoso- build his character as opposed to Collor, and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva -construirá his character as opposed to Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

Author: PORTILLO SÁNCHEZ MARICELA.
Year: 2004.
University: AUTÓNOMA DE BARCELONA [www.uab.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAT DE PERIODISME I DE CIÉNCIES DELA COMUNICACIÓ.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: INTRODUCTION The more general interest of this paper is to explore how to build their political views and participate in a public forum invisible youth of Mexico City. For young invisible understand those sectors youth, usually middle classes and propulares not formally organized. These sectors do not usually attract the attention of the media, political institutions or academic research. This concern arises because we believe that the speech of the young in the street is important and significant according to the preliminary results of the National Survey of Youth to be held in Mexico in 2000 (Instituto Mexicano de la Juventud, 2001 ). It noted that only 26% of young people claim to have participated in any social partnership. This data suggests that the majority of young people in Mexico are not formally organized and precisely why charged relevance our questionnaires. We find it necessary to study their ways of understanding politics and participate in it in a country where 44% of the national population are youth, with a specific weight in society and should be involved or participate in the public debate about a multitude of problems facing them and concern. They are also the generation change in a society in transition. Last electoral process in Mexico, which has marked not iniciado-el political transition process (Cansino, 2000). The transition can be differentiated from other Mexican transitions experienced by different countries (eg Spain, Portugal and Chile) during the second half of the twentieth century, particularly in regard to operation of its political regime. This was able to maintain the functioning of the institutions with which styles without being democratic, nor were completely dictaroriales. For many of these young people, this was their first experience of suffrage. They have, however, been politicized in a Mexico contrast, the complexities of inertia and vices, inheritance of a past where politics and corruption has meant debacle. Our interest is to address the multiple ways in which built his political opinions and participate in public space (through communicative processes of public opinion). We also consider three reasons that are urging theoretical research in this field are: 1 - The reconfiguration of the boundaries between public and private. 2 - The emerging youth cultures. 3, - The new forms of public participation. The changes in the communication system and the political system affect the ways in which young people relate to public space. Today the public is defined by what media and the public have become hearings (Martín - Barbero, 2001). This is a transformation clvae that we must look carefully. The mediation technology exerts a significant role in the realignment of the relationship between culture and politics. The latter is represented in the media as a hollow sham interwoven based on the speeches of politicians and ministers and fragmented presentation of opinion polls, where many found public opinion. TARGET * Integrate an itinerary and a theoretical p 8 ropuesta 1ff8 methodology that allows us to think about forming opinions youth policies from individual categories (cognition and political biography), communication (generation and youth cultures) and media (in relation to consumption media and the media coverage of politics). * Linking aspects Micro (anonymous and scattered voices of young people from Mexico City) realize what macro (public space) from categories that help us link daily life with the public debate acercade the big issues where they found the youth policy. * To advance the understanding of the ways in which, youth-build their political views and negotiate with the world of adult institutions in the public space, through the communication processes of public opinion, new forms of participation and representation the dispute today is the generational and political change. QUESTION Questions general articulate this work are as follows: 1-Â How is that young people build their political views from his biography, his membership generation and consumption television? 2-Â What is significant elements cobra relevancia policy in the daily lives of young people? 3-Â Why seek ways to influence or rehúyen do in the communicative process of public opinion? In general these questions emerge, in turn, these specific questions: 1-Â How biography of the young influence in shaping their political opinion? 2-Â How affects the generational dimension in building the political opinion of youth? 3-Â What relation is established between the use of television for young people and their ways to understand / learn politics? 4-Â How the political opinions of young people can influence the process of political change? ALLEGED proceed from the assumption that youth is related to politics from their social position regarding the adult world from which negotiates and produces particular ways of seeing the world with which builds their views and forms of public participation. FRAMEWORK THEORY AND METHODOLOGICAL There are three core theorists who articulated this work: YOUTH The slope of interpretive studies on youth cultures, it seems to us a place from which to think about the problems related to youth without falling into the determinism: subject failed vs.estructuras desubjetivizadas. Our research is located here. PUBLIC OPINION We understand the public as a set of processes that involve multiple communicative relationships between different levels through time and space, where people, groups and organizations play different roles. We believe that in the process of shaping public opinion together the scattered voices of young people living in Mexico City. COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICAL CULTURE Returning to the approaches of political communication and political culture, enmarcamos large categories with which we approached the macro level analysis. METHODOLOGICAL INSTRUMENTS AND SAMPLE methodological Our proposal is designed to build relationships of the type micro - macro. We are interested in exploring the group level, understand ocmo whole subject young intaractuando among themselves and with the adult world, affected by the youth cultures and political culture, the social context (time and space), their educational level and occupation . We propose that in the process of building political opinion youth involved three dimensions: individual, communicative and the media. Under the interest of this work is to read interpretive key in building the political views of young people in Mexico City, we have chosen a qualitative approach to the understanding of our study subjects. We use two techniques for the field work: group discussions and in-depth interviews. And for the treatment of speeches produced by our informants, we use another technique: the content analysis. THE WORK OF COURSE IMPLICÓ TWO PHASES The first phase of research was an approximation explorativa. To that end, we carried out four discussion groups, each consisting of 6 young people between 18 and 25 years. The composition of the groups was organized in response to four variables: socioeconomic status, education level, age and sex. The discussion groups were held in Mexico City during the third and fourth week of July 2000. For the second phase of the investigation requeríamos deepen several items that came out of the groups and that's the main reason why we returned to the field through another technique. In this case, the in-depth interview. Also needed contrasting views produced by young people at a time when no elections since, as we mentioned, the first phase of the research was conducted in the context of presidential elections. We are interested in returning to our informants at another time to observe changes in opinion over time. Our second foray into the field occurred two years later. We conducted a total of eight interviews with young people between 20 and 25 years in Mexico City in May 2002. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS According to the findings of our investigation, we would say that there is a relationship between the family and partisan affiliation political posturing. A very common attitude among young people is the rejection of the partisan affiliation of the family. They tend to take positions contrary to the policy preferences of the parents. This attitude of the young coincides with the classic generational clash that is not only when it comes to politics, but generally with a wide range of subjects. Moreover, the political developments and political memories also go hand in hand. The political memory is installed in memory of the subject and is composed of experiences, direct or indirect, ranging articulating learning, beliefs, attitudes and, of course, the views. The differences in terms of political biography occur in relation to political positions, and, more broadly, for the socio-cultural and economic differences that distinguish (conformation family, occupation, social mobility trajectories). The regularities in their biographies policies, in turn, are given by the memory political and political developments. And it is here where the relationship between biography and generation. Subjects share generacionalmente some political memories that have shaped the course of his life and that are important when constructing their opinions. We found some political events that have proved to be especially meaningful, and they are common in both generation. The sharing moments and memories and events, which occurs as a result of having been socialized in the same context, inter alia, to be a generation ago. The political culture in which the subjects have grown, which have learned, and ultimately, in which they have been socialized, is the great background that defines this generation and helps to explain the political opinions of young people Mexico City. In acuedo the results of our research, this generation has been socialized in the context of three key moments in the life of modern Mexico recently and have been particularly significant in terms of its political education: the Zapatista movement (1994), the strike the National Autonomous University of Mexico, UNAM (1999) and the elections of 2000. These developments have provided important political moments of learning and have been mentioned by almost all of our informants. They have also contributed to learn that the subject of politics from his 8 experien 1ff8 cia staff, as in many cases they have become involved to a greater or lesser extent. Based on the results of our analysis, we argue that the importance of television in relation to the construction of the political views of young people is a key factor, but not decisive. The Appel delos reference groups -familia, friends, neighborhood, school and / or work is often more important than the television. This is an important agent of socialization, but not the only one. However, the importance of this medium can be assessed when we note that although the experience and reference groups are large structuring of the views of nuetros subject, the media provide much of the inormación policy. In television in particular derive most of information about politics. But we qualify the issue of media influence. Young people read very little press, radio is the rockola and consumption of the Internet is very low, because although using this medium, it is used more as a communication tool (mails and chats) that information. We look at the role of television in relation to the links between macro (the historic moments) with the micro (the daily lives of the subjects) especially enlo it relates to political memory. In many cases, young people realize the political developments that have marked generacionalmente from television pictures that have been stored in its memory. Reports presidential election and news related to political scandals, are political developments that have been visibilizados by television. This is particularly interesting, since we assume that occurs with equal generations of adults who grew up with this medium. It would be appropriate to compare this situation with other age group to compare the differences and similarities in relation to the formation of political memory. This generation has grown up with television and then obtains information. Auqnue also should qualify that statement, because even if the subject is claiming that the television report which we must also remember that this information often comes mediated opinion leaders, those most informed that poveen information media those who were often not informed. This assertion has been corroborated from the classic study of Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1968): The peolple's chocie: how the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign and in different papers that address the influence of the media at the hearings through the approach known as flow of communication in two steps. As we saw in our study, young people insist that the influence of television in shaping their views is not as decisive. This has to do perhaps with the zeal shown by young people in noting their autonomy with regard to decision making (and opinions in this case). But there seem to be in a constant sort of claim of a democracy semiotics (Fiske, 1987), seeking to legitimize their voices from the consideration that their views are the product of an individual effort. The important thing here is this incesesante need to grasp the originality of his views, trying to understand which are not easily mnipulables but are subject capable of building a speech itself. Young people who have grown up in a culture where we read little, television replaces the book to the press, the letter written. Somehow, the young are part of this homo-ocular according Sartori (1998) has moved to homo-sapiens. In this society of the spectacle (Debord, 1976) prevailing image as a carrier of the great truths. It is better to know a little bit: "even lie, as well as at least somewhat familiar" (Chavos underemployed). The policy is an area remote from the daily lives of young people. This remoteness of the policy results in a decrease in the capacity for action of the subject. We have pointed out some of the forms of youth participation. We found basically four: 1-mobilization sporadic around problematic conyunturales contretas. 2-Construction of movements based on effectiveness. 3-Movements that congregate around the motivations and using the new technologies as tools of organization and expression. 4-participation in religious movements. In addition to these forms of youth participation, we should mention the vote, which follows adjudicándosele an important role. It is for many kids the only time they are taken into account by the rulers, but simultaneously show critical of the civic sense of this act. In general seem to agree that it is important to vote, allowing them to externar his opinion on a ballot, and that means something is: "I count my voice goes." It is for these reasons that we say that misinformation does not necessarily mean disinterest. Young parcen be interested in participating, but in many cases not know cómo.Es why politics associated with the institution, to classical forms of participation, is located in the adult world. The policy makes sense to aprtir of experience: what you see and what you live. The anéctodas referred to in terms of political memory, political events that are part of the political biography of the subject, the same personal biography, determine the sense that it be awarded at the end. The policy is reflected in the daily lives of young subjects from the experiences of his biography. These experiences are significant when it achieves articulated at the level of everyday life. Basically recorded in relation to the resolution of specific issues, which, at least in the case of our informants were trying to go solving them individually and collectively rarely. Â How the political opinions of young people can influence the process of political change? When the political views of young people manterializan in the vote, that is, in attitudes that are verifiable, quantifiable and likely to change certain scenarios, you can begin to talk about a relationship of influence. According to the results of our research, at least in the case of the presidential election of 2000 in Mexico, it was possible to observe that this relationship is established between political opinion and change. The sense of change for young people at that time had to do with the overthrow of the State party. They felt, generally speaking, happy to be starring this time. Instead, however, two years after the last presidential elections, has been losing the sense he had at that time. As mentioned in the analysis, to force that change has not been reflected in the daily lives of the subjects, it has gone from euphoria to despair. The high expectations that eventually resulted in the alternation have fallen. The collective spirit has fallen, but this is not an issue that only happens with young people, but it can be perceived in other age groups. However, many young people accepted assumed as the generation of change. At some point it was noted even that may be identified in the future as the generation that voted for Fox. They, in some cases, the stigma of having participated in this process electroal a leading role in both generation. If it is possible to establish a relationship between political change and generational change, Â relay what we talk? In a relay that is characterized, in general, by the denial of the adult world. We have found that young people are different from adults in three ways: denial of responsibility from the time they are living, the desire to participate in their 8 transfor 68b mation from their status as a young and old partnership scheme (PRI) with the generations above them. We have argued here the hypothesis that young people build their political views and participate in the communication processes of public opinion from its status with respect to the adult world, which has been found in our study. With his silence sometimes seeming apathy in others, young people seem to be displaying an attitude of indifference, which is not such. As we have already said, there is misinformation, there is disappointment, there is also some suspicion in the world of politics, a feeling perhaps shared with adults and that is the product of the political culture in which they have grown up. Les plays at the moment betting face of the political transition that live Mexico. They are the generation of change, as many of our informants argued. It remains to be seen where this change will continue. It is our interest keep track of this generation to fully understand the scope of this process and that we can only give the historical perspective. Our discipline has a lot to say here, given the centrality that are taking over media and communication processes in today's society.

Author: CONTRERAS OROZCO JAVIER HORACIO.
Year: 2004.
University: LA LAGUNA [www.ull.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA INFORMACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA INFORMACIÓN UNIVERSIDAD DE LA LAGUNA.

Summary: Starting with the approach of different currents that have emerged to explain the influence of the mass media in the electoral behavior of citizens, this work raises the specific case of the newspaper El Heraldo de Chihuahua, half printed with regional coverage and presence more than seventy years in the area, edited in northern Mexico, which was decisive factor to be given the transition process and alternation in the local government election to be a vanguard in the country and a model of political laboratory, it demonstrates the role of a newspaper with a strong presence in the community during local elections.

Author: MANFREDI SÁNCHEZ JUAN LUIS.
Year: 2004.
University: SEVILLA [www.us.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: The state public television becomes, in the hands of the EU and the new policies of public service to become a political entity social publicly funded. The thesis examines the case of Spain (RTVE) compared to UK (BBC) in the past 25 years, as well as the challenges of the digital age. Also included studies of the model German, French and American.

Author: PÉREZ CURIEL CONCEPCIÓN.
Year: 2004.
University: SEVILLA [www.us.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: The thesis deals with the issue of the sources of information in the field of Specialized Journalism and set up a classification of sources with a comparative analysis of Journalism General Information. The investigaicón falls in paragraph practical in two newspapers such as El Mundo and El Pais.

Author: Fuente Soler Manuel De la.
Year: 2005.
University: VALENCIA [www.uv.es].
Place of defense: Facultad de Filología.
Place of preparation: Facultad de Filología.

Summary: This thesis aims to be a reflection on the speeches of the cultural industries and their possible responses in terms that they have become dominant discourses that conceal their artifice. This study has several policy implications from the time that the practices exercised by the industry affecting relations between managers and managed. In this connection it is necessary to consider, in addition, the phenomenon of globalization, as discursive practices and political actions come to rely in recent years with rapid export. The work focuses on the political debate lived in the United States in the decade of 80, in the period that has come to be known as the "conservative revolution". The practical policies of the administration of Ronald Reagan received a response from the speech of rock. Thus, this thesis examines the work of musician Frank Zappa, understood as a dialogue with the political situation of the moment in a desire for political mobilization in the receiver. The analysis of the texts of Zappa part of some ideological foundations from which convey an alternative to the speeches of reaganismo. These dominant discourses are manifested in action on several fronts, such as censorship of cultural industries or rewriting history for partisan purposes. The contradictions of these speeches would be reflected, as shown by the texts of Zappa, in the various political scandals involving the highest ranking official of the Reagan administration. The thesis presents a set of conclusions which represent the fundamental idea of the work of Zappa: his concern for the education of youth. This paper tries to establish the validity of rock as a response to the ideological homogenization of power. In fact, this conception of the artist as a catalyst for political mobilization has benefited from the 80's, an important development in a variety of cultural events, from rock to the cinema or literature.

Author: LÓPEZ GARCÍA JOSÉ M..
Year: 2005.
University: MÁLAGA [www.uma.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: The dissertation shows an investigation which seeks above all to know about certain aspects "ideal" (in the Weberian sense of the term) that justify behavior of young framed in their lifestyles with the intention of finding the keys to assist in preventing risky behavior in the area of sexuality and, in that respect, communication and media play a pivotal role. The thesis is therefore an delas ways to approach this vast field of research, also laid the foundation of the model methodological research -apoyado in triangulación-, which has been applied to the project and that relies on the use of the survey in quantitative field and in the focus groups and in-depth interview in the field quality. The results and conclusions obtained in the investigation of the doctoral thesis on trial are members of the court delos a contribution of interest in the field of health communication.

Author: TERUEL RODRÍGUEZ LAURA.
Year: 2005.
University: MÁLAGA [www.uma.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN, UNIVERSIDAD DE MÁLAGA.

Summary: This dissertation examines the role taken by the Spanish press reference between 1993-96, the construction of journalistic political reality that unfolded, and in particular the strategy adopted by the World for, despite his youth, implemented in market communication with our own style. The interest of this dissertation is to address, from a scientific perspective multidisciplinary, a phenomenon journalistic complex and important one that remains in the collective memory, and that triggered some characteristics in the field of polarization, may have become chronic in the model Spanish press. Built a combined methodology for analyzing polarization político-mediática. The work plan combining a quantitative analysis, by designing several databases, which enabled the comparison of the results of El Mundo and El Pais, with qualitative analysis. The latter combined an analysis of case-called scandal Palomino-, the study on the arguments and narrative techniques recurring The World's speech, the establishment of a typology of the nature of investigative journalism developed by this newspaper, and finally several panels of experts journalists, politicians and teachers, through a dialectical confrontation, offered an authoritative interpretation of the facts.

Author: VÁZQUEZ BERMÚDEZ MIGUEL ÁNGEL.
Year: 2005.
University: SEVILLA [www.us.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: Over the past several years have been observing a phenomenon known as journalism statements, which consists of more or less verbatim reproduction of the acts speaking of social actors in the media. These words are spoken in some forums to be summoned to the media and crystallizes what Boortin called pseudo-acontecimiento. For a variety of circumstances, the means resorted to this kind of journalism, which promotes a dynamic work in which they have a heavy dependence on sources.

Author: EGERIQUE MOSQUERA TERESA.
Year: 2005.
University: VIGO [www.uvigo.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES Y DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES Y DE LA COMUNICACIÓN.

Summary: The thesis consists of seven chapters which will expose the treatment of the Prestige crisis in the media during the early months and its impact on society to conclude why we -- Researchers: treatment information an oil slick that led to a movement of solidarity unprecedented in Spain. Never before has a story related to the environment had generated so much information.

Author: BLAYA MENGUAL MIGUEL ÁNGEL.
Year: 2006.
University: MURCIA [www.um.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN Y DOCUMENTACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE COMUNICACIÓN Y DOCUMENTACIÓN.

Summary: Abstract: This research hemerográfica been supported by the reconstruction and deconstruction of documents showing the echo of a social character that neither go unnoticed by society, scenarios, and the sets, nor can it be ignored by history and the annals of cinema, theater and interpretation in general. A character that come from the lowest social strata, all came to be, to become legend and finish acquiring the status of myth. The aim was to highlight the treatment, always exquisite, Francisco Rabal received by newspapers and magazines is achieved through specific methods of social research, without underestimating the highly quantitative content analysis, provides research on a qualitative and descriptive interpretative. This research provides a very good tool for those who feel interested in this type of analysis: the combination of journalism and sociology so that the result provides that vision cross that only appears in the field of Human Sciences contextualized. Keywords: Hemerografía. Cinema. Theater. Treatment newsworthy. Social research. Analysis of contents. Quantitative. Qualitative. Descriptive. Interpretative. Journalism and Sociology. Human Sciences.

Author: Gómez García Rodrigo.
Year: 2006.
University: AUTÓNOMA DE BARCELONA [www.uab.es].
Place of defense: Facu. de Periodismo y Cien. de la Comuni..
Place of preparation: Facultad de periodismo y ciencias de la comunicación.

Summary: This thesis analyzes the different impacts of NAFTA on Mexican industry. The research part of a historic structural analysis focuses its attention first on the structure and dynamics of the world system and the world economy, mainly in the role of transnational cultural industries in the context of global capitalism. Second, the new framework that raises the regionalization with the particularities of NAFTA North American audiovisual industry in Mexico. Thirdly, the identification of communications policies in Mexico. Fourth, the economic growth of the audiovisual industry and its focus, the participation of new foreign capital and finally, in the role of public institutions versus private capital. At the same time, examines the intersections of these issues with the consumption of cultural products to believe cultural diversity and the development of citizenship. The socio-economic features of the Mexican population is a critical variable that allows understanding the problems of impacts.