ELECTION

Author: BELTRAN CANGROS ALBERT.
Year: 2003.
University: POMPEU FABRA [www.upf.edu].
Place of defense: DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIALES.
Place of preparation: DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIALES.

Summary: This work consists of six chapters and annexes, with the following contents: * Chapter 1: Introduction. * Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework. In this chapter, we propose to introduce the various theoretical models mentioned in the preceding paragraph of this introduction. In turn, this chapter is divided into an introduction and five more points for each of the various theoretical frameworks analyzed. The first paragraph, it explains the fundamentals of theories which, under the name of Political Business Cycles, assume that the voters are myopic and opportunistic governments. The second paragraph states the set of theories that explain the behavior of governments from the premise that they are partisan and myopic voters. This second group of theories comes in the name of Partisan Theory. The third type of theoretical models is very similar to the first, although in this case it is assumed that the political actors are rational. These assumption justifies the name given to these models: Rational Business Cycles. The fourth set of theories coincides with the assumptions of rationality on previous models, but, with respect to governments, defends the thesis that they are partisans. Because of this, called the Partisan Rational Theory. Finally, we introduce a second type of theories which attempt to explain the behavior of governments according to their internal structure and level of negotiation, both among members of the government itself and between it and the various parliamentary groups. * Chapter 3: Overview of the evolution of budgets (the actual empirical) This chapter is divided into 19 sections: an introduction, a section for all the regions, and 17 other sections corresponding to each of the autonomies (Andalusia, Aragon, Asturias, etc..). The introduction refers to the sources used and the processing of data. These data are presented in tables and graphs annexes. The following section describes the evolution of the budgets of all the regions, in connection with the aforementioned four variables: consolidated revenues, expenses consolidated deficit or surplus in the non-financial costs and debt. Paragraphs later reproduced this description for each of the different autonomous regions * Chapter 4: empirical verification. In the fourth chapter we intend to contrast the various models described in chapter 2 with data tables and graphs of the annexes, which are described in Chapter 3. We know that the various theories predict that we mentioned about certain behaviors of governments regard to fiscal and budgetary policies. These predictions are likely to empirical verification and refer to the influence that on the evolution of the four indicators budgetary mentioned, can have the elections, the ideological sign of governments and their internal structure. This chapter consists of an introduction and three sections. The introduction refers to the methodology that we will continue in the matching of data. The following paragraph verify theories that assume that governments are opportunistic and, therefore, predict that they will be sensitive to the proximity of the elections. In short, here are checked for possible influence that election cycles could have on the budgets. In the third paragraph contrastaremos theories "partisan," that is, we will examine whether the ideological orientation of governments leads to the development of separate budgets. Finally, the last section will examine the possible relationship between the composition of the government (or, to put it another way, its internal strength or weakness) and trends more or less expansive budgets. 8 * Capítu 326 as 5: Summary and conclusions. * Chapter 6: References. Appendices: Tables and graphs.

Author: NEGRO MACHO ANA.
Year: 2004.
University: SALAMANCA [www.usal.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES.
Place of preparation: DEPARTAMENTO SOCIOLOGIA.

Summary: This is a research on the determinants and the evolution of the democratic system in a specific geographical areas like Castilla y Leon. The thesis is limited in a context of discovery whose main task is the detailed description of the political fact under review with the intention of enriching the knowledge of the political system in Castile and Leon, and lay the groundwork for further research in this autonomous region. This work aims to study a dimension of the political system as is the autonomic analysis of the electoral system and the party system of Castile and Leon, as well as the factors that determine the voting behavior of citizens. So from a theoretical part where he referred to each of the elements of the systems proposed for the study, he examines, in the empirical part, these components in the Spanish territory and conducting a comparative leonés with all the autonomous communities. For its part, the electoral behavior develops from a dual perspective: aggregate and individual levels. The first aspect is analyzed taking into account the competitiveness and volatility that occurs in different autonomous elections. The second perspective is addressed through the factors involved when it comes to casting a vote: whether factors rationality, ideological, or social identifiers.

Author: SANCHEZ MACHADO MARIO ALEJO.
Year: 2005.
University: SALAMANCA [www.usal.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE DERECHO.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE DERECHO.

Summary: This thesis investigates the patterns of voting abstention and Costa Ricans in the presidential elections two periods: 1974-1978 and 1994-1998 from the perspective of the social and political foundations of political parties and groups that do not participate in the elections. One objective of this research was to determine the degree of influence that some traditional social stratification variables such as age, education, employment status and socioeconomic status and other political in nature have predictors of voting behavior and how have evolved over time. The scientific value of the doctoral thesis comes from the empirical basis they work, which is based on databases built by the author from four national surveys of public opinion conducted by public and private agencies in his country during the decades of the seventies and nineties and an additional survey to a group of citizens abstainers in 1998. Complementado consideration of individual data with the analysis of socio-economic data and electoral aggregated from different provinces and regions is subdivided Costa Rica. The central hypothesis is that the patterns of voting and abstention in a consolidated democracy as a fundamental dimension of Costa Rica expressed on the media consensus, social cohesion and political stability in the country during the period studied. Other arguments is that the increasing levels of abstention recorded from 1998 reflects a pattern of abstention active, deliberate, showing dissent, which represents a new form of participation and not necessarily political disaffection. And from that perspective there is a period of no abnormality and crisis, but transition to a very different stage of a system with many decades of democratic coexistence. The study revealed the nature of trends in voter turnout recorded in the periods analyzed through a series of comparable data and built a new type of voter material that can be used as a source of reference for future work . The outcome of the investigation it was found that some social variables, particularly the occupational class has been eroding as predictors of voting behavior while others of a political nature, such as the identification favor, and the sympathy vote for the smaller parties, the definition legislation in the act of voting and to refrain become important factors that are associated with certain differences in the voting patterns and abstention in that Central American nation. And to highlight that certain sociological variables such as the level of education continues to impact significantly on the electoral preferences of Costa Ricans.