POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

Author: VERGES GIFRA JOAN.
Year: 2003.
University: GIRONA [www.udg.es].
Place of defense: LETRAS.
Place of preparation: UNIVERSIDAD DE GIRONA.

Summary: The thesis is a criticism of the political liberalism that the American philosopher Jhon Rawls (1921-2002) set out in his book "Polítical Liberalism" (1993). Political liberalism is the conceptual framework within which Rawls seeks to situate the concept of justice and fairness (described in the book of 1971, "A Theory od Justice") before the cinstatación pluralism reasonable that inevitably characterizes contemporary democratic societies. The thesis argues that political liberalism will not strengthen the position of the justícia as equity to pluralism because it is a wrong answer to pluralism in general.

Author: CASASSAS MARQUÉS DAVID.
Year: 2004.
University: BARCELONA [www.ub.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS ECONÓMICAS Y EMPRESARIALES.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS ECONÓMICAS - UNIVERSIDAD DE BARCELONA.

Summary: This thesis shows how a rigorous approach etymologically and historically aware of the work of Adam Smith and the bulk of the Scottish school history obliges highlight the centrality that the concepts of ownership understood as independence material and community understood as an association of individuals free civilly and fellow in the projections assume that these authors have made the world prior to the development of industrial capitalism. The treatment that these nations receive in the work of Smith provides an understanding of the Republican affiliation of the reflection of Scots, as well as the status of genuine "political economy" republicanism shows at all times.

Author: CANO CABILDO SISSI.
Year: 2004.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA.
Place of preparation: FILOSOFÍA DEL DERECHO , MORAL Y POLÍTICA II.

Summary: I submit arguments arendtianos focused on public participation along in the first three chapters regain the sense arendtiano of the public, which is a reading neoaristotélica of the polis, and that shows the narrowness spiritual idion for refractar the reductionist sense contemporary privacy. After presenting the criteria motivating public participation in the polis for to compare with the contemporary sense of excellence and success and explain why Arendt spoke of "filisteísmo" to refer to the strategic interests of the bourgeoisie. The second chapter explains why for Arendt thought, the trial of taste and desire are the spiritual activities that allow public participation. The self can be thought as preventing ambiguous criteria and the "banality of evil", which can be more dangerous than the declared sadism. The approach arendtiano trial taste Kant to politics involves extending the margin sensitivity and imagination by the otherness, and the selfless willingness to participate in the establishment of agreements intersubjetivos and fair. And the free will as a principle of action leaves us see the greatness of public participation. And in the third chapter presenting the meaning arentiano forgiveness, promise, philía and solidarity as the main criteria ético - políticos. Forgiveness protects us from harm to others by resentment, the ability to keep the promises we guarantee the effectiveness of covenants and thus the applicability of contractualista sense of justice, philía guarantees us the ápertura affectionate and respectful towards otherness and solidarity leads to the understanding of the world to propose joint action patterns and historic significance.

Author: PALACIO DE OTEYZA VICENTE.
Year: 2004.
University: COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID [www.ucm.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD FILOSOFÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA.

Summary: This thesis analyzes the critique of political realism to the draft policy cosmopolitan world order, within the framework of the Anglo-Saxon academic International Relations. The study of this criticism is carried out through three steps. First, it analyzes the sources of political realism from the Antigà ¼ age to the present, examining a series of theories that see international relations as a lawless area where the states are related through a policy based on the power balance. Second, it analyzes the moral and institutional dimensions of the project cosmopolitan, stressing its four dimensions policy, legal, economic and cultural fields. Third, it conducts a systematic critical from the point of view of realistic program cosmopolitan world order, showing its weaknesses oriented. In addition to negative criticism, it is possible to devise a realistic constructive criticism that will help to clarify and refine the most confusing or weak of cosmopolitanism. This is possible for two reasons: first, political realism is not entirely inconsistent with ethical concerns and regulatory requirements; second, in the contemporary cosmopolitanism from Kant, we can find some "realism" that recognizes the limits materials and the consequences of any action politics. Therefore, it is not arrive at a theoretical synthesis or convergentia practice between the two schools, nor does it give "right" ultimately none of them on the issue d91orden world. It is concluded that the project cosmopolitan and transnational democratic world order, can and must be developed in the light of the teachings realistic about the conflict and power, to avoid falling into Utopia. Finally, it provides a set of recommendations to refine the regulatory requirements of the universalist cosmopolitan.

Author: FORTES TORRES MANUEL ANXO.
Year: 2004.
University: SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA [www.usc.es].
Place of defense: FACULTADE DE FILOSOFÍA.
Place of preparation: FACULTADE DE FILOSOFÍA UNIVERSIDADE DE SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA.

Author: BELMONTE SÁNCHEZ MIGUEL ÁNGEL.
Year: 2005.
University: INTERNACIONAL DE CATALUÑA [www.unica.edu].
Place of defense: U.INTERNACIONAL DE CATALUNYA.
Place of preparation: UNIVERSITAT INTERNACIONAL DE CATALUNYA-CAMPUS BARCEÑPMA.

Summary: Aristotle developed a concept of prudence, as the ordering of the political, whose neglect by modernity irreparably damaged the political thinking, as reflected in the Weberian reflection. To prove this thesis we travel the following way: First, we analyze in depth the role of political wisdom across the political Aristotelian philosophy, especially in relation to the concepts of politics, friendship, common good, nature, law , a political action and policy. Secondly, the notion of crawl political prudence over the history of thought of putting enhance the contrast between Aristotle and modernity with particular emphasis on the study of authors such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, Spinoza and Kant. Thirdly, and as a term of comparison for the main political prudence Aristotelian, the confluence sui generis work of Max Weber of the main elements of the modern political philosophy, dyed-nietzscheanismo justifies analysis of those aspects of his work related with issues such as politics, the political leader and the mission and scope of practical political knowledge. His acumen in judging such cases, it takes sometimes, despite its own ideological and methodological budgets, overlap with the characterization of the Aristotelian wisdom politics. But above all, the idea Weberian policy, with its internal tensions, testifies to the neglect and lack of modernity in that Aristotelian notion. Precisely the alleged rehabilitation of phronesis in the twentieth century, which reveals inadequate return, it serves to conclude a path where are the implications of the apparent neglect of the modern political wisdom: the rationality of phronesis is replaced by a dialectic between unbridgeable rationalism and irracionalismo; attention to the reality of things is diminished by nihilism that leads modernity, the very notion of a political nature is impossible for the denial of a common goal, converting political action at will to power and pervert inevitably the original sense of political life.

Author: AGIRRE URTEAGA XABIER.
Year: 2005.
University: PAÍS VASCO [www.ehu.es].
Place of defense: FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA Y CIENCIAS DE LA EDUCACIÓN.
Place of preparation: FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA Y CIENCIAS DE LA EDUCACIÓN.

Summary: John Rawls, author already become a classic of political thought, evolved his theory eloquently along its dense work. By turning a deaf ear to criticism coming from neoliberalism or communitarianism, Rawls maintained the broad lines of its justice as fairness, but changes in its justification perspective. On the one hand, concerned about the stability of his theory, stripped of all its contents metaphysical Kantian theory and adopts the constructivist approach in the presentation of its proposal morale. This relies on public political culture of democracy there and found two concepts on which to build the rest of the theory. On the other hand, reinterprets Kant and several classics of philosophy and psychology to show that the human being is endowed with, first, a sense of morality, and therefore a moral capacity that pushes them to take account of the reasons formulabas for the rest. The moral sense is the sense of justice and moral capacity is reasonable. Both strategies are investigated in this work in the light of specific examples using over his work,. In its findings, the investigation believes that the demonstration of moral sentiment called feeling of justice, and the corresponding request of reasonableness is a principle that drives all over subsequent theory. At the beginning and what is required to be proved. Moreover, when the reasonableness, and how they argue, the public reason, are contrasted with the historical reality, the Rawlsian approach does not work. Rawls brings placement often historical and contemporary examples relating to religion that leave see the difficulty to mark the border between the theories reasonable and unreasonable. The abolition of slavery and civil rights defense delos was achieved largely on the basis of religious arguments, and debates such as abortion, euthanasia and prayer in schools the reasons given for and against the jump an across the reasonableness and public use of reason. Rawls, aware of this, argues that the reasonableness changes in the different historical eras. Their solution does not seem to stop this work somewhat poor, because this issue is playing pluralism and coexistence of current partnerships.